The goal of this paper is to examine whether business performance is affected by the adoption of practices included under the term Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). To achieve this goal, we analyse the relation between CSR and certain accounting indicators and examine whether there exist significant differences in performance indicators between European firms that have adopted CSR and others that have not. The effects of compliance with the requirements of CSR were determined on the basis of firms included in the (...) Dow Jones Sustainability Index (DJSI), and specific accounting indicators were applied to measure performance. For the purposes of this study, we selected one group of firms belonging to the DJSI and another comprised of firms quoted on the Dow Jones Global Index (DJGI) but not on the DJSI. The sample was made up of two groups of 55 firms, studied for the period 1998–2004. Empirical analysis supports the conclusion that differences in performance exist between firms that belong to the DJSI and to the DJGI and that these differences are related to CSR practices. We find that a short-term negative impact on performance is produced. (shrink)

En 1790, Josefa Amar y Borbon, déjà traductrice de renom, lectrice passionnée, membre de diverses sociétés éclairées, auteure d'un « Discours pour défendre le talent des femmes et leur aptitude au gouvernement et autres charges où l'on emploie des hommes », donna naissance à ce qui sera son œuvre la plus célèbre, le « Discours sur l'éducation physique et morale des femmes ». Celle qui s'était exclamée, citant Mme Lambert qu'elle admirait : « il est nécessaire de dépendre le moins (...) possi... (shrink)

En 1790, Josefa Amar y Borbon, déjà traductrice de renom, lectrice passionnée, membre de diverses sociétés éclairées, auteure d'un « Discours pour défendre le talent des femmes et leur aptitude au gouvernement et autres charges où l'on emploie des hommes », donna naissance à ce qui sera son œuvre la plus célèbre, le « Discours sur l'éducation physique et morale des femmes ». Celle qui s'était exclamée, citant Mme Lambert qu'elle admirait : « il est nécessaire de dépendre le moins (...) possi... (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to explore the concept of Philosophy within the works written by Wittgenstein if we take into account the ambivalent sense of the term phármakon. Thus, it will be outlined a contest of paradoxes between, on the one hand, healthiness, sanity, and the adaptable confidence produced by western rationality materialized into objective science, and, on the other hand, sickness, insanity, the world of perplexities, and the realm of desire and death, essential to philosophical thought. Bearing (...) in mind last Wittgenstein’s approaches, we will understand the Tractatus both critical to the deficiencies of western Reason and imprisoned within them. But the “enchanting” power of western Reason, conducting to identify rationality and scientificity in that work, will be conjured in the last Wittgenstein through the opening of plural realms of rationality and of discourses. In this way, philosophical questions will be rescued from silence and absurdity. (shrink)

This paper defends a neorepublican account of civic virtue as consisting of stable traits of character, understood in broadly Aristotelian terms, that exhibit excellences associated with the role of citizen, and that contribute to the secure protection of freedom as non-domination. Such an account is important for the neorepublican project because neither laws nor social norms can yield reliable support for republican freedom without a parallel input from civic virtue. The paper emphasizes the need to distinguish civic virtue from desirable (...) norms, which can operate in tandem. Against other neorepublican accounts of civic virtue, it argues that the primary function of such virtue is not to support the stability of republican regimes. Rather, it has a corrective function, and may in fact challenge institutions, laws, and informal norms if they allow for the exercise of arbitrary power. Finally, the paper argues that this account of civic virtue is better positioned than a stability-focused account to shed light on the relationship between civic virtue and the common good. (shrink)

Neo-republicanism seems well suited to provide insight into current policies for the control and restriction of immigration. In this paper, I discuss three different accounts of domination to assess whether they can provide intuitively acceptable responses to the types of domination experienced by different groups of immigrants. First, I present and criticize an argument offered by Philip Pettit in support of the view that immigration restrictions could in principle avoid being dominating. My criticism focuses on Pettit’s account of non-arbitrary governmental (...) action that claims that laws and policies are not dominating when people have democratic control over the government’s activity. Given the failure of Pettit’s argument, I turn to the proceduralist account of non-arbitrary state action proposed by Frank Lovett, and discuss the limitations of the account in diagnosing all ways in which border controls and immigration policy can generate domination. Finally, I present and defend the view that governmental action is not dominating when there are adequate checks that protect the objective interests of individuals. (shrink)

This article considers why the influential neo-republicans Philip Pettit and Richard Bellamy tend to minimise or deny the role that natural or moral rights play in republican thought. It argues that their specific views about the theoretical role of such rights are motivated by methodological commitments. In Pettit’s case the commitments are to consequentialism and formalism, while in Bellamy’s it is to proceduralism. But these commitments get in the way of providing a fully adequate account of the value of freedom (...) as non-domination: one that allows us to determine when citizens actually enjoy this kind of freedom. Finally, the article argues that a full explanation of what it means to enjoy freedom as non-domination must unavoidably appeal to normative notions. (shrink)

This chapter examines the normative question of whether the cultivation of patriotic and nationalist ideals and attachments should have a central place in programs of civic education. It argues that the most useful way to draw the distinction between patriotism and nationalism focuses on their respective objects of loyalty; patriotism is loyalty to a country while nationalism is loyalty to a people. This way of distinguishing between patriotism and nationalism forms the background for the discussion of a variety of instrumental (...) and non-instrumental arguments for cultivating patriotic and nationalist political attachments in schools. It also examines an assumption common to these programs of civic education: that a shared identity is crucial for citizens to have a sense of belonging that supports social stability and desirable forms of political change. The final part of the chapter introduces a number of alternative educational proposals that aim to avoid some of the difficulties faced by patriotic and nationalist strategies. These alternative proposals aim to encourage good citizenship while taking into account new challenges generated by the political, social, and economic conditions of an increasingly globalized world. (shrink)

RESUMEN Más allá de ser un mero recurso ornamental, la alusión a los perros que hace Platón en diferentes pasajes de la República parece realizarse con miras a defender importantes tesis políticas. Este artículo tiene como propósito develar algunas de estas tesis y busca defender la elección que hace Platón del perro, de entre otros animales, para caracterizar la figura del guardián y del filósofo. El texto aborda la analogía presentada en República según la cual la disposición natural para vigilar (...) es el elemento común que comparte un buen cachorro con un joven de buen linaje y pone en el centro de su interés el rol que tiene el perro, descendiente de un antepasado más bestial y salvaje, el lobo, por ser capaz de sintetizar fiereza y mansedumbre por medio del aprendizaje y la domesticación. ABSTRACT Plato's reference to dogs in different passages of the Republic is more than a mere embellishment; it also serves to defend important political theses. The purpose of this article is to reveal some of these theses and to defend the author's choice of the dog, among other animals, to characterize the figures of the guardian and of the philosopher. The text discusses the analogy presented in the Republic according to which the natural disposition to guard is the common element shared between a puppy and a young man from good descent. The article focuses on the dog's role - descending from a wilder and more beastly animal, the wolf - as that of being able to synthesize fierceness and gentleness through learning and domestication. (shrink)

Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.

This paper offers an answer to an objection to Phillip Pettit’s neo‐republican account of freedom as non‐domination raised by Sharon Krause. The objection is that widespread prejudice, such as systemic racism or sexism, generates significant obstacles to individuals’ free agency but that neo‐republicanism fails to explain why these obstacles reduce freedom. This is because neo‐republicanism defines domination in terms of the capacity for arbitrary interference, but many prejudiced actions do not involve physical coercion, threats, or any other behavior typically described (...) as types of interference. The paper discusses three strategies to account for the impact of widespread prejudice on the domination of groups. It argues that the most plausible strategy redefines domination in terms of behavior that is prima facie wrong and lacks appropriate checks. Such behavior includes interference but also includes prejudiced actions, such as failing to select the most qualified candidate for a job. (shrink)

This article discusses Philip Pettit’s neo-republicanism in light of the criterion of self-sustenance: the requirement that a political theory be capable of serving as a self-sustaining public philosophy for a pluralist democracy. It argues that this criterion can only be satisfied by developing an adequate politics of virtue. Pettit’s theory is built around the notion of freedom as non-domination, and he does not say much about the virtues of citizens or the policies the state may employ to encourage their development. (...) In order to explain the motivation to comply with republican laws that promote non-domination, Pettit relies on the phenomenon of civility and the mechanism of the intangible hand. But to understand what underlies an adequate level of robust civility one needs to focus on the more basic phenomenon of personal virtue. Policies that aim to promote non-domination should take into account the need to cultivate virtue among citizens, as well as the full range of conditions that favor its exercise. (shrink)

BackgroundRespect for confidentiality is important to safeguard the well-being of patients and ensure the confidence of society in the doctor-patient relationship. The aim of our study is to examine real situations in which there has been a breach of confidentiality, by means of direct observation in clinical practice.MethodsBy means of direct observation, our study examines real situations in which there has been a breach of confidentiality in a tertiary hospital. To observe and collect data on these situations, we recruited students (...) enrolled in the Medical Degree Program at the University of Cordoba. The observers recorded their entries on standardized templates during clinical internships in different departments: Internal Medicine; Gynecology and Obstetrics; Pediatrics; Emergency Medicine; General and Digestive Surgery; Maxillofacial Surgery; Plastic Surgery; Orthopedics and Traumatology; Digestive; Dermatology; Rheumatology; Mental Health; Nephrology; Pneumology; Neurology; and Ophthalmology.ResultsFollowing 7138 days and 33157 h of observation, we found an estimated Frequency Index of one breach per 62.5 h. As regards the typology of the observed breaches, the most frequent were related to the consultation and/or disclosure of clinical and/or personal data to medical personnel not involved in the patient’s clinical care, as well as people external to the hospital. As regards their severity, severe breaches were the most frequent, accounting for 46.7 % of all incidents. Most of the reported incidents were observed in public areas, such as corridors, elevators, the cafeteria, stairs, and locker rooms.ConclusionsIn addition to aspects related to hospital organization or infrastructure, we have shown that all healthcare personnel are involved in confidentiality breaches, especially physicians. While most are committed unintentionally, a non-negligible number are severe, repeated breaches, thus suggesting a certain carelessness, perhaps through ignorance about certain behaviors that can jeopardize patient confidentiality. (shrink)

This book develops and applies a unified interpretation of John Rawls’ theory of justice as fairness in order to clarify the account of citizenship that Rawls relies upon, and the kind of educational policies that the state can legitimately pursue to promote social justice. Costa examines the role of the family as the "first school of justice" and its basic contribution to the moral and political development of children. It also argues that schools are necessary to supplement the education that (...) families provide, teaching the political virtues that support just social institutions. The book also examines the questions of whether civic education should aim at cultivating patriotic feelings, and how it should respond to the deep cultural pluralism of contemporary democratic societies. (shrink)

One of the central elements of John Rawls’ argument in support of his two principles of justice is the intuitive normative ideal of citizens as free and equal. But taken in isolation, the claim that citizens are to be treated as free and equal is extremely indeterminate, and has virtually no clear implications for policy. In order to remedy this, the two principles of justice, together with the stipulation that citizens have basic interests in developing their moral capacities and pursuing (...) their conceptions of the good life, are meant to provide a more precise interpretation of what is involved in treating citizens as free and equal. Rawls’ critics, however, have argued that satisfying the two principles of justice is not the most appropriate or plausible way to respect the status of citizens as free and equal. In relation to this debate, the present paper has two aims. The first is to examine Rawls’ account of the type of freedom that a just society must guarantee equally to its citizens. I will argue that those who think of Rawls as a theorist of freedom as non-interference are mistaken, because his notion of liberty resembles in important respects the republican notion of freedom as non-domination. Second, I will consider the extent to which Rawls’ principles of justice successfully protect the freedom as non-domination of all citizens so as to effectively treat them as free and equal. (shrink)

This study surveys debates on citizenship, the state, and the bases of political stability. The survey begins by presenting the primary sense of 'citizenship' as a legal status and the question of the sorts of political communities people can belong to as citizens. (Multi)nation-states are suggested as the main site of citizenship in the contemporary world, without ignoring the existence of alternative possibilities. Turning to discussions of citizen identity, the study shows that some of the discussion is motivated by a (...) perceived need for citizens to have a sense of political belonging, on the assumption that such a sense promotes political activity and has other personal and social benefits. But there are serious problems with the strategy of understanding the relevant sense of belonging in terms of identification with the nation-state. The study explores a more promising way to generate this sense of belonging. First, societies should function, to a sufficiently high degree, in accord with political principles of justice and democratic decision making. Second, there should be a general consensus on political principles among citizens, as well as high levels of engagement in democratic deliberation. (shrink)

We prove that it is not possible to define an appropriate notion of rank in set theories without the axiom of foundation.

Let Q be an equivalence relation whose equivalence classes, denoted Q[x], may be proper classes. A function L defined on Field(Q) is a labelling for Q if and only if for all x,L(x) is a set and L is a labelling by subsets for Q if and only if BG denotes Bernays-Gödel class-set theory with neither the axiom of foundation, AF, nor the class axiom of choice, E. The following are relatively consistent with BG. (1) E is true but there (...) is an equivalence relation with no labelling.(2) E is true and every equivalence relation has a labelling, but there is an equivalence relation with no labelling by subsets. (shrink)

In this paper I prove the following theorems which are the converses of some results of Judah and Laver (1983) and of Judah and Marshall (1993).-IfKM+ATW is not an extension by definition ofKM (and the model involved is well founded), then the existence of two inaccessible cardinals is consistent with ZF.-IfKM+ATW is not a conservative extension ofKM (and the model involved is well founded), then the existence of an inaccessible number of inaccessible cardinals is consistent with ZF.whereKM is Kelley Morse (...) theory andKM+ATW isKM with types of well-orders. (shrink)

The ideal model of a just society defended by John Rawls entails the existence of certain institutions—those that form the basic structure of society—that guarantee citizens' basic rights and liberties, equality of opportunity, and access to material resources. Such a model also presupposes a certain account of reasonable citizenship. In particular, reasonable citizens will have a set of moral capacities and dispositions and will voluntarily support just institutions. According to Rawls, the need for such citizens is related to the following (...) important consideration in favor of a normative theory of justice: that it be stable. That is, such a theory must be capable of generating its own support over time. This means that it has to be possible for citizens to come to endorse the theory's principles of justice, integrating them into their personal conceptions of the good life. Rawls explicitly draws attention to the stability requirement on ideal theories of justice. Somewhat surprisingly, when Rawls explains how a widespread and deep moral consensus on the principles of justice might be generated in actual societies—a problem that is closely related to the issue of how such consensus could be maintained over time—he pays very little attention to the potential contribution of schools to the production of reasonable citizens. This neglect can be explained, in part, by his confidence that the functioning of just institutions will spontaneously generate, in citizens who live under them, the necessary support for principles of justice and will encourage the development and exercise of the virtues characteristic of reasonable citizens. But this confidence seems misplaced. (shrink)

Playing soccer in public parks, participating in parades, or marching in religious processions are public performances that express membership in a political community. When these practices are performed by noncitizens, they highlight how the public space—in its physical and symbolic character—is not a space exclusive to members of the political community. Rather, public space is a terrain subject to contestation. In this article, I explore the ways Mexican migrants in New York City use and appropriate public spaces and in doing (...) so expand the boundaries of the political community. I argue that by gaining access to public spaces, appropriating them, and then transforming them, noncitizens claim recognition as members of the political community and thus unsettle its boundaries. (shrink)

A partir del comentario hecho por José L. L. Aranguren sobre «puede» y «debe» en ética, aquí se plantea el significado de los principios de ética en la situación de retroceso democrático del siglo XXI. Ha sido analizada por la filosofía y la teoría política recientes. En los años sesenta, las críticas de D. Sternberger al modelo de polis, de política cívica en las obras de H. Arendt, se apoyaban en la imagen de la ciudad hundida. Pero las preguntas sobre (...) el alcance del realismo («puede») y el lugar de los principios («debe») siguen abiertas. ¿Ultra posse nemo obligatur? Aquella imagen de la polis puede ser reemplazada por otra algo distinta, la ciudad sumergida. Se encuentra en la literatura, sería también la metáfora de la necesaria reconstrucción de las políticas democráticas, con el «deber ser» como núcleo de la cultura cívica. Los principios éticos y, en especial, justicia como equidad será aquí la referencia en dos situaciones: (1) la política de salud pública, (2) los procesos de paz. En conclusión, el marco normativo cuenta o ha de contar, tanto en la paz como en la guerra. Decir «nunca más» es también una forma de recordar el papel crucial de los principios. (shrink)

This paper defends an account of cosmopolitanism as a corrective virtue of the sort endorsed by Philippa Foot. In particular, it argues that cosmopolitanism corrects a common and dangerous tendency to form overly strong identifications with political entities such as countries, nations, and cultures. The account helps to unify the current heterogeneous collection of cosmopolitan theories, as is illustrated by a discussion of the cultural cosmopolitanism of Jeremy Waldron, and the political cosmopolitanism of Simon Keller. The account also helps distinguish (...) cosmopolitans from their critics, most of whom share the cosmopolitan’s commitment to respect for human rights: for example, liberal patriots, liberal nationalists and liberal culturalists. (shrink)

La fenomenología distingue el cuerpo-objeto (Körper) del cuerpo vivido (Leib); se interesa por este último y por el cuerpo que se nos manifiesta en nuestras experiencias y les da expresión. Este cuerpo fenoménico es el punto cero de nuestras vidas, el anclaje de nuestra existencia. La fenomenología de Simone de Beauvoir le aplica la diferencia sexual.Esta contribución continúa la hermenéutica de Beauvoir centrándose en su conocida máxima, “no se nace mujer, se llega a serlo”, teniendo en cuenta que las interpretaciones (...) se dan desde y para determinadas situaciones. La nuestra es el siglo XXI y las investigaciones fenomenológicas y feministas. Dado que la traducción es un modo de interpretación, señalaremos cómo El segundo sexo ha contribuido a comprender el devenir mujer. Para ello, en primer lugar, expondremos nuestra concepción hermenéutica de la traducción. Destacaremos después el “estilo” fenomenológico de Beauvoir y las influencias recíprocas con Merleau-Ponty para abrir la posibilidad de una diferencia sexual sin determinismos. (shrink)

Utilizamos una herramienta de gamificación, un sistema de votación electrónica, en una asignatura a nivel universitario. Analizamos si el uso de dicha herramienta en las actividades de la evaluación continua repercutió o no en el proceso de enseñanza-aprendizaje, concretamente, en los resultados del examen final. Para ello recopilamos datos sobre las características del alumnado potencialmente influyentes en el rendimiento académico que estudiamos aplicando técnicas de análisis de datos descriptivas e inferenciales. El resultado muestra que el alumnado puede llegar a incrementar (...) hasta en casi 2 puntos su nota, según su ratio de aciertos con el sistema de votación electrónica. (shrink)

Management cybernetics has been in development since the 1960s, although its implementation has been relatively modest. Two of the best-known proposals are Beer’s Viable System Model and Steinbruner’s Cybernetic Theory of Decision. Both are homeostatic systems, inspired by living organisms. Professor Juan A. Pérez López (1934–1996) argued that homeostatic systems are not fully appropriated for human beings, and proposed instead the “Freely Adaptive System” (FAS) model to explain the dynamics of an organization formed by two dynamic human systems. This (...) model, although it is within the management cybernetic paradigm, and does not propose any anthropological philosophy, is consistent with several features of the Aristotelian anthropological tradition, including epistemology, practical reason, and virtues. The FAS model can help as a compass for decision making by considering three basic criteria—effectiveness, internal efficiency and consistency—when two persons—an active agent and a reactive agent—interact repeatedly. The model sheds light on the interdependence of ethics and efficiency in successive interactions. (shrink)